I became interested in analyzing media representations of women's sport and women athletes during my doctoral studies in kinesiology at Texas Woman's University. Never one to “go by the book,” I creatively devised my own degree plan that incorporated kinesiology, women's studies, feminist theory, disability studies, and sociology. This mix of interdisciplinary study allows me to explore, from a multitude of perspectives, various issues concerning women in sport, particularly those issues pertaining to sport media.
The following article presents the themes that frequently emerge from research on media representations of women athletes and women's sport. Much of the information is from my dissertation research that focused analysis on the photographs and text of the
Conde Nast Sports for Women/Women Sports & Fitness (CN/WS&F) magazine published between October 1997 and January/February 1999.
Since the advent of Title IX in 1972 and the fitness boom of the 1980s, the number of girls and women participating in competitive and recreation sports has dramatically increased. Subsequently, more female athletes and women's sports have been in the international and national spotlights through television, newspapers, and magazines. The seeming optimism generated from such an increase in media attention given to women's sports, however, is offset by the fact that men's sports continue to receive more coverage than women's sports, and minority women are practically non-existent in sports coverage. When female athletes are the focus of media attention, the images often sexualize and trivialize their efforts. This lack of representation combined with stereotypical depictions may lead many to believe that few women are interested in sports and those who do participate are successful only when they “fit” traditional standards of appropriate female behavior.
What We See: The Sexualization of Women Athletes In written texts, visual images, and spoken commentaries, women athletes are often portrayed as sexual objects available for male consumption rather than as competitive athletes. For example, the June 5, 2000
Sports Illustrated cover and several inside photographs of tennis player, Anna Kournikova, show her posing seductively for the camera in her off-court wear. When notable female athletes are not pictured, pretty models are often used to portray “ideal” feminine athleticism or represent society's traditional notions of women's role in sport (passive, non-competitive, weak, and emotional). Such portrayals create an image of a “heterosexy” (Griffin, 1998) female athlete who can be athletic while maintaining heterosexual sex appeal. This ultra-sexy image underscores physical beauty and femininity more so than athletic skill, power, and strength.
One way media may sexualize women athletes is by focusing on their physical appearance. Characteristics favored in visual media are those commonly associated with feminine beauty, such as smiling, unblemished skin, slender and toned physique, and long blonde hair. Generally, the content of sport photographs suggests that only the most glamorous women athletes are worthy of being pictured, and their nonactive poses often resemble soft-core pornography (Duncan, 1990). My recent investigation into the now-defunct
CN/WS&F magazine revealed that most covers and story photographs featured white, slender models wearing scanty fitness clothes exposing those body parts equated with feminine sexuality, such as thighs, abdominals, cleavage, and buttocks. Such images divert attention from women's achievements as serious athletes and reinforce misguided assumptions that women in sport are noncompetitive and interested only in sex-appropriate sport.
What We Don't See: The Underrepresentation of Minority Women Athletes Many of the issues are compounded when we consider the intersections of race, physical/mental functions, and sexuality. In media coverage of women in sport, the absence of minority women supports the traditional belief that sport is solely for white, heterosexual, non-disabled women.
In the U.S. sports media, women of color receive considerably less coverage than their white female counterparts and are often depicted in a racially stereotypical manner. For example, of the 151
CN/WS&F magazine covers published between 1975 and 1989, only 12 pictured women of color, all Black women, and only 8% of the featured articles were written about Black women with nearly 70% of these articles focused on track athletes or basketball players (Leath and Lumpkin, 1992). In reviewing 13 editions of
CN/WS&F published between 1997 and 1999, I found no women of color on the cover and only 21% shown in the photographs accompanying sport articles.
Another group that is practically ignored by sport media is women athletes with disabilities. When media do feature these athletes, the focus is usually on the drama surrounding the athlete's disability than on their athletic abilities and the competition. CBS's four-hour coverage of the 1996 Paralympic Games was the first and longest U.S. broadcast of disability sport. However, while some of the Paralympic telecast could be considered empowering and positive, other aspects reinforced negative and demeaning stereotypes about people/athletes with disabilities (women athletes as asexual, pitiful, and less than elite) (Schell and Duncan, 1999).
Many people question whether a woman can compete in sport and retain her femininity—a term often equated with heterosexuality. So, when a female athlete is called “dyke” or “lesbian” in a derogatory manner, she may alter her actions and dress to be “more feminine,” downplay her athletic talents, or avoid sport all together. The growing media and commercial interest in women's sport have helped to reinforce stereotypic perceptions of women athletes as lesbian, while reiterating fundamental misperceptions of lesbians or female athletes as negative identities.
Because sexuality (specifically heterosexuality) sells in America, sport media and advertisers are likely to distance themselves from women athletes who are believed to be, or who do self-identify as lesbian. Martina Navratilova, Billie Jean King, Missy Giove, and Muffin Spencer-Devlin are among the professional athletes who have risked their public reputations and sponsorships by revealing their sexual identities. Unfortunately, media rarely explore the experiences of lesbians in sport, and women's sport allies often remain silent or deny that homophobia is an issue that deserves public attention.
Why should we care? Media have a powerful influence on girls' and young women's socialization into sport. For this reason, it is imperative that we observe and challenge those media representations that perpetuate the notion that only white, young, physically attractive, nondisabled women can, and do engage in sport. Constantly promoting this “ideal look” greatly restricts the availability of role models and representations that depict a wider range of women involved with sport, and may discourage young girls from engaging in those sports deemed “unfeminine.”
However, there is hope on the horizon!
With the growing popularity of the WNBA, the NCAA Women's Basketball Tournament, and USA Women's Soccer, Americans are seeing more live coverage of women's sporting events than ever before. In addition, sport cable channels are devoting more airtime to the Women's Professional Softball League and professional women's golf and tennis. However, the amount of coverage is still marginal compared to men's sport, and the quality of the telecasts (production and commentary) should not escape close scrutiny. Perhaps most promising are the representations in the grassroots publication
REAL SPORTS. The bimonthly magazine is filled with images of intensely competitive women athletes straining their muscles in powerful athletic movements.
Creating and sustaining change must involve challenging media to not only increase the amount of coverage for women's sports, but to also extend the range of diversity to include coverage of racial and ethnic minorities, larger women, women with disabilities, and older women. We must support (financially and philosophically) those media who do not objectify women athletes or trivialize their athletic endeavors, but do provide positive role models and celebrate the accomplishments of women from various backgrounds. Finally, we must encourage young girls and women to become educated consumers who will have the power to resist biased media images and incite change at the local and national levels.
“Beez” Schell received her doctorate in kinesiology with a specialization in women's studies and sociology in December 1999. She currently is an interim assistant professor with the department of kinesiology and an associate with the Institute for Women's Health at Texas Woman's University. References Duncan, M.D. (1990). Sports photographs and sexual difference: Images of women and men in the 1984 and 1988 Olympic Games.
Sociology of Sport Journal , 7, 22-43.
Griffin, P. (1998).
Strong women: Deep closets. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.
Leath V.M., & Lumpkin, A. (1992). An analysis of sportswomen on the covers and in the feature articles of Women's Sports and Fitness magazine, 1975-1989.
Journal of Sport and Social Issues , 16, 121-126.
Schell, L. A. (1999).
Socially constructing the female athlete: A monolithic media representation of active women. Unpublished doctoral dissertation , Texas Woman's University, Denton.
Schell L.A. & Duncan, M.D., (1999). A content analysis of CBS' coverage of the 1996 Paralympic Games.
Adapted Physical Activity Quarterly , 16, 27-47.